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In every age some men acquire more wealth than befits a man, and use it to spoil their children.
In communities with poor communication and limited schooling some form of oligarchy is inevitable.
Religion is stronger than politics.
The good, the true, and the beautiful fluctuate with the fortunes of war.
Halfway on his long journey from 753 to 9 B.C., Livy thought of stopping, on the ground that he had already won lasting fame; he went on, he says, because he found himself restless when he ceased to write.
The notion that goods cost less in the past than now is probably the enchantment of distance; in terms of labor required to earn the money to buy them they generally cost more.
Eloquence is seldom accurate.
The poor always prefer new masters to old.
Every conquest creates a new frontier, which, being exposed to danger, suggests further conquest.
Originality is not parthenogenesis; it is, like parentage, a novel combination of pre-existing elements.
Civilized comfort attracts barbarian conquest.
War and democracy are enemies.
Isocrates thought that the Assembly should be paid by Athens' enemies to meet frequently, since it made so many mistakes.
Only lunatics can be completely original.
The virtues of a saint may be the ruin of a ruler.
Rome died in giving birth to the Church; the Church matured by inheriting and accepting the responsibilities of Rome.
Under every system of economy men who can manage men manage men who can only manage things.
Congregations like to be scolded, but not to be reformed.
Even saints are vain, and the greatest man of action has moments of weakness in which he aspires to write a book.
Energy is only half of genius; the other half is harness.
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The first principle of good government is good example.
The Jews, like the Christians, used excommunication too frequently, so that in both faiths it lost its terror and effectiveness.
In every civilization the time comes when old ways must be re-examined if the society is to readjust itself to irresistible economic change.
Since the organization of a religious group presumes a common and stable creed, every religion sooner or later comes into opposition with that fluent and changeful current of secular thought that we confidently call the progress of knowledge.
Men being by nature unequal in intelligence and scruple, democracy must at best be relative.
Modern theory lives by nibbling at tradition.
What increases with civilization is not so much immorality of intent as opportunity of expression.
The belief in heaven and the belief in utopia are like compensatory buckets in a well: when one goes down the other comes up.
The egocentric foreshortening of history telescopes eventful centuries, and erases vital generations from a crowded memory.
No religion can hope to win and move the common soul unless it clothes its moral doctrine in a splendor of marvel, legend, and ritual.
Theologies and philosophies, like men and states, are what they are because in their time and place they have to be.
It is refreshing to find a philosopher who is wise enough to be happy.
The same variety and freedom of exchange that enables the clever to make money allows the simple to lose it faster than before.
Wisdom can never be transmitted by words, only by example and experience.
In a developed civilization nothing can equal the free man's varying wage, salary, or profit as an economic stimulus. Slave labor pays only when slaves are abundant and cheap.
Unity is the eternal temptation of philosophers as well as of statesmen, and generalizations have sometimes cost more than war.
Undeserved fates come sometimes to individuals, but rarely to nations.
Individuals became civilized when they were made secure by membership in an effectively protective communal group; states will become civilized when they are made secure by loyal membership in an effectively protective federated group.
Corruption has an ancient pedigree and a probable future.
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